Suchergebnisse

The article provides an analysis of youth values in Croatia in the socialist and post-socialist periods, comparing them with values of older citizens and of the political elite. The comparative analysis is based on data obtained through four empirical investigations conducted in 1986, 1999 and 2004. The results show that the predominant youth values remain stable, with minor oscillations in rank. The aspects in which the young are different from the older citizens are a broader variety of interests, a greater acceptance of post-materialistic values, and a lesser acceptance of traditional and political values. It is also shown that the optimism of youth is constantly on a high level, as well as their satisfaction with life, which is more pronounced than with older citizens. In all analyzed segments the political elite is noticeably different from both above-mentioned groups. The overall findings confirm that the acceptance of observed values varies depending on the social-political context, and the age and social status of the respondents. Since the scope of the variations is limited, the author concludes that this analysis gives one more confirmation of the relative stability of values, and of the fact that they are transmitted from generation to generation in a way which does not endanger social continuity. Adapted from the source document.

The article provides an analysis of youth values in Croatia in the socialist and post-socialist periods, comparing them with values of older citizens and of the political elite. The comparative analysis is based on data obtained through four empirical investigations conducted in 1986, 1999 and 2004. The results show that the predominant youth values remain stable, with minor oscillations in rank. The aspects in which the young are different from the older citizens are a broader variety of interests, a greater acceptance of post-materialistic values, and a lesser acceptance of traditional and political values. It is also shown that the optimism of youth is constantly on a high level, as well as their satisfaction with life, which is more pronounced than with older citizens. In all analyzed segments the political elite is noticeably different from both above-mentioned groups. The overall findings confirm that the acceptance of observed values varies depending on the social-political context, and the age and social status of the respondents. Since the scope of the variations is limited, the author concludes that this analysis gives one more confirmation of the relative stability of values, and of the fact that they are transmitted from generation to generation in a way which does not endanger social continuity. Adapted from the source document.

This paper is a continuation & an extension of the longitudinal monitoring & analysis of the party dynamics, social structure & certain political features of the representatives in the Croatian Parliament (Sabor). The goal of the research was to discern the patterns of political recruitment of the parliamentary elite by means of a comparative analysis of social & political characteristics of the representatives in all five compositions of the Parliament & -- in the last, fifth composition -- by comparing the representatives' political party affiliations & their parliamentary experience. It has turned out that the representatives are mostly male (average age 49 years), of urban provenience & residence, Croats, Catholics, diploma-holders (largely in social sciences & humanities), & politicians with a remarkable managerial & political experience gained primarily through their work in political parties. The conclusion is that in Croatia the trends regarding the patterns of political recruitment of the parliamentary elite are in line with those in developed democratic systems. Tables, References. Adapted from the source document.

This paper is a continuation & an extension of the longitudinal monitoring & analysis of the party dynamics, social structure & certain political features of the representatives in the Croatian Parliament (Sabor). The goal of the research was to discern the patterns of political recruitment of the parliamentary elite by means of a comparative analysis of social & political characteristics of the representatives in all five compositions of the Parliament & -- in the last, fifth composition -- by comparing the representatives' political party affiliations & their parliamentary experience. It has turned out that the representatives are mostly male (average age 49 years), of urban provenience & residence, Croats, Catholics, diploma-holders (largely in social sciences & humanities), & politicians with a remarkable managerial & political experience gained primarily through their work in political parties. The conclusion is that in Croatia the trends regarding the patterns of political recruitment of the parliamentary elite are in line with those in developed democratic systems. Tables, References. Adapted from the source document.

In this paper we analyzed the social attributes and political experience of the members of the Croatian Parliament in five mandates. We established that the multiparty parliament, during the 18 years of its existence, was dominated by men, averagely between 47 and 49 years of age, Croats, Catholics, highly educated, predominantly in the social sciences and humanities, and politicians with significant managerial and political experience acquired primarily during their work in political parties. Furthermore, we found a relatively large fluctuation of parliamentarians, resulting in a lower level of parliamentary experience and a relatively short parliamentary career. Based on these indicators, it can be stated that in Croatia a socially homogenous parliamentary elite was formed, one with a potentially lower level of political competence, and that patterns of political recruitment, coherent in tendency with those in the developed democratic countries, were established. Adapted from the source document.

The article analyzes & compares political participation of young people in Europe & Croatia, & the basic components of the existing youth-related policies. The data show that young Europeans, as well as young Croats, are underrepresented in the traditional political institutions & processes. Since the developed European states find such a state of affairs detrimental for the future of representative democracy, one of the priorities of national youth-related policies is to enhance their political commitment & social integration. In Croatia, the national youth policy has only recently been adopted by the highest governing bodies & its effects will be noticeable in several years. Croatia belongs to the majority of European countries in which young people are viewed as a resource, but at the same time to the minority of the countries with a recently established institutional infrastructure with a view to systematically deal with the problems of young people & to coordinate activities in the implementation of the youth policy. The author also discusses the problem of the differences among the definitions of the age bracket for the population of young people in official statistics, research, & European youth-oriented policies. Based on research findings, the author proposes raising the upper age limit in the definition of young people as a social group from today's standard 25 to 30 years of age. 2 Tables, 3 Graphs, 25 References. Adapted from the source document.

This essay is a continuation & an addition to the analysis of the structural dynamics of the Croatian Parliament (Sabor), carried out by the end of the third mandate of the Upper Parliament House. Certain features of the party & social composition of the fourth Croatian Parliament are analyzed & compared to the formerly observed tendencies. The Croatian Parliament has been set up along moderate pluralist lines, which means that Sabor is moderately fragmented party-wise. It seems that the processes of non-electoral parliamentarization & the party factioning have continued in the new Sabor, although in a weaker form, since there is a smaller number of parties & representatives. Having the nature & the intensity of the party factioning in mind, as well as the fact that the constitutional changes have removed the risk of a possible destabilizing influence of one branch of government, the fragile relations within the ruling coalition are recognized as the main potential threat to the stability of the Croatian Sabor. There have been no significant changes in its social structure: educated middle-aged male Croats still predominate in Sabor. Nevertheless, there has been a shift towards a greater representation of women. At the same time, the disproportion in the generational distribution of power has deepened, & finally, due to the relatively brief existence of a multi-party Sabor, & the cyclical changes in the strongest parties' mandates, the Croatian Parliament does not yet possess a stable core of seasoned & competent representatives. 6 Tables, 4 Graphs, 1 Appendix, 34 References. Adapted from the source document.

The article looks into the changes in the parties & the social structure of the first House of the Croatian parliament (the Sabor) in the transitional period. A total of 26 political parties have had seats in the parliament -- 16 of them securing their place through prior support of the electoral body, & 10 solely through individual lists. The author shows that this party fragmentation has occurred due to the process of parliamentary parties' factioning & the transfer of delegates from parliamentary to nonparliamentary parties. The degree of party fragmentation in the Sabor is considered moderate & not disruptive for the functioning of the parliament. This is due to the continued mandated dominance of the majority party & to the fact that the party fragmentation has primarily involved the opposition parties. An analysis of the social-demographic characteristics of the representatives shows that the Sabor is dominated by male, college-educated, 48-year-old Croats with a bit more than four years of parliamentary experience. The educational structure of the Sabor does not differ much from other European parliaments, but the number of senior representatives is somewhat higher than in other European countries, while the share of women is lamentable under all democratic standards. It has been suggested that the most effective strategy that the Croatian parliamentary political parties could employ regarding gender & age representation are internally determined quotas for women & young people on their candidates' lists for elections. This would indirectly influence the social structure & the level of democracy of the Croatian parliament. 7 Tables, 1 Appendix, 38 References. Adapted from the source document.